RC 15.7

Passage 7
In 1896 a Georgia couple suing for damages in the
accidental death of their two year old was told that since
the child had made no real economic contribution to the
family, there was no liability for damages. In contrast,
(5) less than a century later, in 1979, the parents of a three
year old sued in New York for accidental-death damages
and won an award of $750,000.
The transformation in social values implicit in juxtaposing
these two incidents is the subject of Viviana
(10) Zelizer's excellent book, Pricing the Priceless Child.
During the nineteenth century, she argues, the concept
of the "useful" child who contributed to the family
economy gave way gradually to the present-day notion
of the "useless" child who, though producing no income
(15) for, and indeed extremely costly to, its parents, is yet
considered emotionally "priceless." Well established
among segments of the middle and upper classes by the
mid-1800's, this new view of childhood spread throughout
society in the iate-nineteenth and early-twentieth
(20) centuries as reformers introduced child-labor regulations
and compulsory education laws predicated in part on the
assumption that a child's emotional value made child
labor taboo.
For Zelizer the origins of this transformation were
(25) many and complex. The gradual erosion of children's
productive value in a maturing industrial economy,
the decline in birth and death rates, especially in child
mortality, and the development of the companionate
family (a family in which members were united by
(30) explicit bonds of love rather than duty) were all factors
critical in changing the assessment of children's worth.
Yet "expulsion of children from the 'cash nexus,'...
although clearly shaped by profound changes in the
economic, occupational, and family structures," Zelizer
(35) maintains. "was also part of a cultural process 'of sacralization'
of children's lives. " Protecting children from the
crass business world became enormously important for
late-nineteenth-century middle-class Americans, she
suggests; this sacralization was a way of resisting what
(40) they perceived as the relentless corruption of human
values by the marketplace.
In stressing the cultural determinants of a child's
worth. Zelizer takes issue with practitioners of the new
"sociological economics," who have analyzed such tradi-
(45) tionally sociological topics as crime, marriage, education,
and health solely in terms of their economic determinants.
Allowing only a small role for cultural forces
in the form of individual "preferences," these sociologists
tend to view all human behavior as directed primarily by
(50) the principle of maximizing economic gain. Zelizer is
highly critical of this approach, and emphasizes instead
the opposite phenomenon: the power of social values to
transform price. As children became more valuable in
emotional terms, she argues, their "exchange" or " sur-
(55) render" value on the market, that is, the conversion of
their intangible worth into cash terms, became much
greater.


37. It can be inferred from the passage that accidental-death damage awards in America during the nineteenth
century tended to be based principally on the
(A) earnings of the person at time of death
(B) wealth of the party causing the death
(C) degree of culpability of the party causing the death
(D) amount of money that had been spent on the person killed
(E) amount of suffering endured by the family of the person killed


38. It can be inferred from the passage that in the early 1800's children were generally regarded by their families as
individuals who
(A) needed enormous amounts of security and affection
(B) required constant supervision while working
(C) were important to the economic well-being of a family
(D) were unsuited to spending long hours in school
(E) were financial burdens assumed for the good of society


39. Which of the following alternative explanations of the change in the cash value of children would be most likely
to be put forward by sociological economists as they are described in the passage?

(A) The cash value of children rose during the nineteenth century because parents began to increase their emotional
investment in the upbringing of their children.
(B) The cash value of children rose during the nineteenth century because their expected earnings over the course of
a lifetime increased greatly.
(C) The cash value of children rose during the nineteenth century because the spread of humanitarian ideals resulted
in a wholesale reappraisal of the worth of an individual
(D) The cash value of children rose during the nineteenth century because compulsory education laws reduced the
supply, and thus raised the costs, of available child labor.
(E) The cash value of children rose during the nineteenth century because of changes in the way negligence law
assessed damages in accidental-death cases.


40. The primary purpose of the passage is to
(A) review the literature in a new academic subfield
(B) present the central thesis of a recent book
(C) contrast two approaches to analyzing historical change
(D) refute a traditional explanation of a social phenomenon
(E) encourage further work on a neglected historical topic


41. It can be inferred from the passage that which of the following statements was true of American families over the
course of the nineteenth century?
(A) The average size of families grew considerably
(B) The percentage of families involved in industrial work declined dramatically.
(C) Family members became more emotionally bonded to one another.
(D) Family members spent an increasing amount of time working with each other.
(E) Family members became more economically dependent on each other.


42. Zelizer refers to all of the following as important influences in changing the assessment of children's worth
EXCEPT changes in
(A) the mortality rate
(B) the nature of industry
(C) the nature of the family
(D) attitudes toward reform movements
(E) attitudes toward the marketplace

RC 16.6

Passage 6
In the two decades between 1910 and 1930, over
ten percent to the Black population of the United States
left the South, where the preponderance of the Black

population had been located, and migrated to northern
(5) states, with the largest number moving, it is claimed,
between 1916 and 1918. It has been frequently assumed,
but not proved, that the majority of the migrants in
what has come to be called the Great Migration came
from rural areas and were motivated by two concurrent
(10) factors: the collapse of the cotton industry following
the boll weevil infestation, which began in 1898, and
increased demand in the North for labor following
the cessation of European immigration caused by the
outbreak of the First World War in 1914. This assump-
(15) tion has led to the conclusion that the migrants' subsequent
lack of economic mobility in the North is tied to
rural background, a background that implies unfamiliarity
with urban living and a lack of industrial skills.
But the question of who actually left the South has
(20) never been rigorously investigated. Although numerous
investigations document an exodus from rural southern
areas to southern cities prior to the Great Migration.
no one has considered whether the same migrants then
moved on to northern cities. In 1910 over 600,000
(25) Black workers, or ten percent of the Black work force,
reported themselves to be engaged in "manufacturing
and mechanical pursuits," the federal census category
roughly encompassing the entire industrial sector. The
Great Migration could easily have been made up entirely
(30) of this group and their families. It is perhaps surprising
to argue that an employed population could be enticed
to move, but an explanation lies in the labor conditions
then prevalent in the South.
About thirty-five percent of the urban Black popu-
(35) lation in the South was engaged in skilled trades. Some
were from the old artisan class of slavery-blacksmiths.
masons, carpenters-which had had a monopoly of
certain trades, but they were gradually being pushed
out by competition, mechanization, and obsolescence,
(40) The remaining sixty-five percent, more recently urbanized,
worked in newly developed industries---tobacco.
lumber, coal and iron manufacture, and railroads.
Wages in the South, however, were low, and Black
workers were aware, through labor recruiters and the
(45)Black press, that they could earn more even as unskilled
workers in the North than they could as artisans in the
South. After the boll weevil infestation, urban Black
workers faced competition from the continuing influx
of both Black and White rural workers, who were driven
(50) to undercut the wages formerly paid for industrial jobs.
Thus, a move north would be seen as advantageous
to a group that was already urbanized and steadily
employed, and the easy conclusion tying their subsequent
economic problems in the North to their rural
background comes into question.


31. The author indicates explicitly that which of the following records has been a source of information in her
investigation?
(A) United States Immigration Service reports from 1914 to 1930
(B) Payrolls of southern manufacturing firms between 1910 and 1930
(C) The volume of cotton exports between 1898 and 1910
(D) The federal census of 1910
(E) Advertisements of labor recruiters appearing in southern newspapers after 1910


32. In the passage, the author anticipates which of the following as a possible objection to her argument?
(A) It is uncertain how many people actually migrated during the Great Migration.
(B) The eventual economic status of the Great Migration migrants has not been adequately traced.
(C) It is not likely that people with steady jobs would have reason to move to another area of the country.
(D) It is not true that the term "manufacturing and mechanical pursuits" actually encompasses the entire industrial
sector.
(E) Of the Black workers living in southern cities, only those in a small number of trades were threatened by
obsolescence.''


33. According to the passage, which of the following is true of wages in southern cities in 1910?
(A) They were being pushed lower as a result of increased competition.
(B) They had begun t to rise so that southern industry could attract rural workers.
(C) They had increased for skilled workers but decreased for unskilled workers.
(D) They had increased in large southern cities but decreased in small southern cities.
(E) They had increased in newly developed industries but decreased in the older trades.


34. The author cites each of the following as possible influences in a Black worker's decision to migrate north in the
Great Migration EXCEPT
(A) wage levels in northern cities
(B) labor recruiters
(C) competition from rural workers
(D) voting rights in northern states
(E) the Black press


35. It can be inferred from the passage that the "easy conclusion" mentioned in line 53 is based on which of the
following assumptions?
(A) People who migrate from rural areas to large cities usually do so for economic reasons.
(B) Most people who leave rural areas to take jobs in cities return to rural areas as soon as it is financially possible
for them to do so.
(C) People with rural backgrounds are less likely to succeed economically in cities than are those with urban
backgrounds.
(D) Most people who were once skilled workers are not willing to work as unskilled workers.
(E) People who migrate from their birthplaces to other regions of country seldom undertake a second migration.

36. The primary purpose of the passage is to
(A) support an alternative to an accepted methodology
(B) present evidence that resolves a contradiction
(C) introduce a recently discovered source of information
(D) challenge a widely accepted explanation
(E) argue that a discarded theory deserves new attention

RC 15.5

Passage 5
Nearly a century ago, biologists found that if they
separated an invertebrate animal embryo into two parts
at an early stage of its life, it would survive and develop
as two normal embryos. This led them to believe that the
(5) cells in the early embryo are undetermined in the sense
that each cell has the potential to develop in a variety of
different ways. Later biologists found that the situation
was not so simple. It matters in which plane the embryo
is cut. If it is cut in a plane different from the one used
(10) by the early investigators, it will not form two whole
embryos.
A debate arose over what exactly was happening.
Which embryo cells are determined, just when do they218
become irreversibly committed to their fates, and what
(15) are the "morphogenetic determinants" that tell a cell
what to become? But the debate could not be resolved
because no one was able to ask the crucial questions
in a form in which they could be pursued productively.
Recent discoveries in molecular biology, however, have
(20) opened up prospects for a resolution of the debate.
Now investigators think they know at least some of the
molecules that act as morphogenetic determinants in
early development. They have been able o show that,
in a sense, cell determination begins even before an egg
(25) is fertilized.
Studying sea urchins, biologist Paul Gross found
that an unfertilized egg contains substances that function
as morphogenetic determinants. They are located
in the cytoplasm of the egg cell; i.e., in that part of the
(30) cell's protoplasm that lies outside of the nucleus. In the
unfertilized egg, the substances are inactive and are not
distributed homogeneously. When the egg is fertilized,
the substances become active and, presumably, govern
the behavior of the genes they interact with. Since the
(35) substances are unevenly distributed in the egg, when the
fertilized egg divides, the resulting cells are different
from the start and so can be qualitatively different in
their own gene activity.
The substances that Gross studied are maternal
(40) messenger RNA's --products of certain of the maternal
genes. He and other biologists studying a wide variety
of organisms have found that these particular RNA's
direct, in large part, the synthesis of histones, a class
of proteins that bind to DNA. Once synthesized, the
(45) histones move into the cell nucleus, where section of
DNA wrap around them to form a structure that resembles
beads, or knots, on a string. The beads are DNA
segments wrapped around the histones; the string is the
intervening DNA. And it is the structure of these beaded
(50) DNA strings that guides the fate of the cells in which
they are located.



25. It can be inferred from the passage that the morphogenetic determinants present in the early embryo are
(A) located in the nucleus of the embryo cells
(B) evenly distributed unless the embryo is not developing normally

(C) inactive until the embryo cells become irreversibly committed to their final function
(D) identical to those that were already present in the unfertilized egg
(E) present in larger quantities than is necessary for the development of a single individual


26. The main topic of the passage is
(A) the early development of embryos of lower marine organisms
(B) the main contribution of modern embryology to molecular biology
(C) the role of molecular biology in disproving older theories of embryonic development
(D) cell determination as an issue in the study of embryonic development
(E) scientific dogma as a factor in the recent debate over the value of molecular biology


27. According to the passage, when biologists believed that the cells in the early embryo were undetermined, they
made which of the following mistakes?
(A) They did not attempt to replicate the original experiment of separating an embryo into two parts.
(B) They did not realize that there was a connection between the issue of cell determination and the outcome of the
separation experiment.
(C) They assumed that the results of experiments on embryos did not depend on the particular animal species used
for such experiments.
(D) They assumed that it was crucial to perform the separation experiment at an early stage in the embryo's life.
(E) They assumed that different ways of separating an embryo into two parts would be equivalent as far as the fate
of the two parts was concerned.


28. It can be inferred from the passage that the initial production of histones after an egg is fertilized takes place
(A) in the cytoplasm
(B) in the maternal genes
(C) throughout the protoplasm
(D) in the beaded portions of the DNA strings
(E) in certain sections of the cell nucleus


29. It can be inferred from the passage that which of the following is dependent on the fertilization of an egg?
(A) Copying of maternal genes to produce maternal messenger RNA's
(B) Sythesis of proteins called histones
(C) Division of a cell into its nucleus and the cytoplasm
(D) Determination of the egg cell's potential for division
(E) Generation of all of a cell's morphogenetic determinants


30. According to the passage, the morphogenetic determinants present in the unfertilized egg cell are which of the
following?
(A) Proteins bound to the nucleus
(B) Histones
(C) Maternal messenger RNA's
(D) Cytoplasm
(E) Nonbeaded intervening DNA

RC 15.4

The majority of successful senior managers do not
closely follow the classical rational model of first clarifying
goals, assessing the problem, formulating options,
estimating likelihoods of success, making a decision,
(5) and only then taking action to implement the decision.
Rather, in their day-by-day tactical maneuvers, these
senior executives rely on what is vaguely termed "intuition"
to mangage a network of interrelated problems
that require them to deal with ambiguity, inconsistency,
(10) novelty, and surprise; and to integrate action into the
process to thinking.
Generations of writers on management have recognized
that some practicing managers rely heavily on
intuition. In general, however, such writers display a
(15) poor grasp of what intuition is. Some see it as the opposite
of rationality: others view it as an excuse for capriciousness.
Isenberg's recent research on the cognitive processes
of senior managers reveals that managers' intuition is
(20) neither of these. Rather, senior managers use intuition
in at least five distinct ways. First, they intuitively sense
when a problem exists. Second, managers rely on intuition
to perform well-learned behavior patterns rapidly.
This intuition is not arbitrary or irrational, but is based
(25) on years of painstaking practice and hands-on experience
that build skills. A third function of intuition is to
synthesize isolated bits of data and practice into an integrated
picture, often in an "Aha!" experience. Fourth,

some managers use intuition as a check on the results
(30) of more rational analysis. Most senior executives are
familiar with the formal decision analysis models and
tools, and those who use such systematic methods for
reaching decisions are occasionally leery of solutions
suggested by these methods which run counter to their
(35) sense of the correct course of action. Finally, managers
can use intuition to bypass in-depth analysis and move
rapidly to engender a plausible solution. Used in this
way, intuition is an almost instantaneous cognitive
process in which a manager recognizes familiar patterns.
(40) One of the implications of the intuitive style of executive
management is that "thinking" is inseparable from
acting. Since managers often "know" what is right
before they can analyze and explain it, they frequently
act first and explain later. Analysis is inextricably tied
(45) to action in thinking/acting cycles, in which managers
develop thoughts about their companies and organizations
not by analyzing a problematic situation and then
acting, but by acting and analyzing in close concert.
Given the great uncertainty of many of the manage-
(50) ment issues that they face, senior managers often instigate
a course of action simply to learn more about an
issue. They then use the results of the action to develop
a more complete understanding of the issue. One implication
of thinking/acting cycles is that action is often
(55) part of defining the problem, not just of implementing
the solution.

19. According to the passage, senior managers use intuition in all of the following ways EXCEPT to
(A) speed up of the creation of a solution to a problem
(B) identify a problem
(C) bring together disparate facts
(D) stipulate clear goals
(E) evaluate possible solutions to a problem

20. The passage suggests which of the following about the "writers on management" mentioned in line 12?

(A) They have criticized managers for not following the classical rational model of decision analysis.
(B) They have not based their analyses on a sufficiently large sample of actual managers.
(C) They have relied in drawing their conclusions on what managers say rather than on what managers do.
(D) They have misunderstood how managers use intuition in making business decisions.
(E) They have not acknowledged the role of intuition in managerial practice.


21. Which of the following best exemplifies "an 'Aha!' experience" (line 28) as it is presented in the passage?
(A) A manager risks taking an action whose outcome is unpredictable to discover whether the action changes the
problem at hand.
(B) A manager performs well-learned and familiar behavior patterns in creative and uncharacteristic ways to solve a
problem.
(C) A manager suddenly connects seemingly unrelated facts and experiences to create a pattern relevant to the
problem at hand.
(D) A manager rapidly identifies the methodology used to compile data yielded by systematic analysis.
(E) A manager swiftly decides which of several sets of tactics to implement in order to deal with the contingencies
suggested by a problem.


22. According to the passage, the classical model of decision analysis includes all of the following EXCEPT
(A) evaluation of a problem
(B) creation of possible solutions to a problem
(C) establishment of clear goals to be reached by the decision
(D) action undertaken in order to discover more information about a problem
(E) comparison of the probable effects of different solutions to a problem

23. It can be inferred from the passage that which of the following would most probably be one major difference in
behavior between Manager X, who uses intuition to reach decisions, and Manager Y, who uses only formal decision
analysis?
(A) Manager X analyzes first and then acts; Manager Y does not.
(B) Manager X checks possible solutions to a problem by systematic analysis; Manager Y does not
(C) Manager X takes action in order to arrive at the solution to a problem; Manager Y does not.
(D) Manager Y draws on years of hands-on experience in creating a solution to a problem; Manager X does not.
(E) Manger Y depends on day-to-day tactical maneuvering; manager X does not.


24. The passage provides support for which of the following statements?
(A) Managers who rely on intuition are more successful than those who rely on formal decision analysis.
(B) Managers cannot justify their intuitive decisions.
(C) Managers' intuition works contrary to their rational and analytical skills
(D) Logical analysis of a problem increases the number of possible solutions.
(E) Intuition enables managers to employ their practical experience more efficiently.

RC 15.3

Federal efforts to aid minority businesses began in the
1960's when the Small Business Administration (SBA)
began making federally guaranteed loans and government-
sponsored management and technical assistance
(5) available to minority business enterprises. While this
program enabled many minority entrepreneurs to
form new businesses, the results were disappointing,
since managerial inexperience, unfavorable locations,
and capital shortages led to high failure rates. Even 15
(10) years after the program was implemented, minority
business receipts were not quite two percent of the national
economy's total receipts.
Recently federal policymakers have adopted an
approach intended to accelerate development of the
(15) minority business sector by moving away from directly

aiding small minority enterprises and toward supporting
larger, growth-oriented minority firms through intermediary
companies. In this approach, large corporations
participate in the development of successful and stable
(20) minority businesses by making use of governmentsponsored
venture capital. The capital is used by a
participating company to establish a Minority Enterprise
Small Business Investment Company or MESBIC. The
MESBIC then provides capital and guidance to minority
(25) businesses that have potential to become future suppliers
or customers of the sponsoring company.
MESBIC's are the result of the belief that providing
established firms with easier access to relevant management
techniques and more job-specific experience, as
(30) well as substantial amounts of capital, gives those firms
a greater opportunity to develop sound business foundations
than does simply making general management
experience and small amounts of capital available.
Further, since potential markets for the minority busi-
(35) nesses already exist through the sponsoring companies,
the minority businesses face considerably less risk in
terms of location and market fluctuation. Following
early financial and operating problems, sponsoring
corporations began to capitalize MESBIC's far above
(40) the legal minimum of $500,000 in order to generate
sufficient income and to sustain the quality of management
needed. MESBIC'c are now emerging as increasingly
important financing sources for minority enterprises.
(45) Ironically, MESBIC staffs, which usually consist of
Hispanic and Black professionals, tend to approach
investments in minority firms more pragmatically than
do many MESBIC directors, who are usually senior
managers from sponsoring corporations. The latter
(50) often still think mainly in terms of the "social responsibility
approach" and thus seem to prefer deals that are
riskier and less attractive than normal investment criteria
would warrant. Such differences in viewpoint have produced
uneasiness among many minority staff members,
(55) who feel that minority entrepreneurs and businesses
should be judged by established business considerations.
These staff members believe their point of view is closer
to the original philosophy of MESBIC's and they are

concerned that, unless a more prudent course is followed,
MESBIC directors may revert to policies likely
to re-create the disappointing results of the original SBA
approach.

13. Which of the following best states the central idea of the passage?
(A) The use of MESBIC's for aiding minority entrepreneurs seems to have greater potential for success than does the
original SBA approach.
(B) There is a crucial difference in point of view between the staff and directors of some MESBIC's.
(C) After initial problems with management and marketing, minority businesses have begun to expand at a steady
rate.
(D) Minority entrepreneurs wishing to form new businesses now have several equally successful federal programs
on which to rely.
(E) For the first time since 1960, large corporations are making significant contributions to the development of
minority businesses.


14. According to the passage, the MESBIC approach differs from the SBA approach in that MESBIC's
(A) seek federal contracts to provide marketsfor minority businesses
(B) encourage minority businesses to provide markets for other minority businesses
(C) attempt to maintain a specified rate of growth in the minority business sector
(D) rely on the participation of large corporations to finance minority businesses
(E) select minority businesses on the basis of their location


15. Which of the following does the author cite to support the conclusion that the results of the SBA program were
disappointing?
(A) The small number of new minority enterprises formed as a result of the program
(B) The small number of minority enterprises that took advantage of the management and technical assistance
offiered under the program
(C) The small percentage of the nation's business receipts earned by minority enterprises following the programs,
implementation.
(D) The small percentage of recipient minority enterprises that were able to repay federally guaranteed loans made
under the program
(E) The small number of minority enterprises that chose to participate in the program


16. Which of the following statements about the SBA program can be inferred from the passage?
(A) The maximum term for loans made to recipient businesses was 15 years.
(B) Business loans were considered to be more useful to recipient businesses than was management and technical
assistance.
(C) The anticipated failure rate for recipient businesses was significantly lower than the rate that actually resulted.
(D) Recipient businesses were encouraged to relocate to areas more favorable for business development.
(E) The capitalization needs of recipient businesses were assessed and then provided for adequately.


17. The author refers to the "financial and operating problems"(line 38 ) encountered by MESBIC's primarily in
order to
(A) broaden the scope of the discussion to include the legal considerations of funding MESBIC'S through
sponsoring companies
(B) call attention to the fact that MESBIC's must receive adequate funding in order to function effectively

(C) show that sponsoring companies were willing to invest only $500,000 of government-sponsored venture capital
in the original MESBIC's
(D) compare SBA and MESBIC limits on minimum funding
(E) refute suggestions that MESBIC's have been only marginally successful

18. The author's primary objective in the passage is to
(A) disprove the view that federal efforts to aid minority businesses have been ineffective
(B) explain how federal efforts to aid minority businesses have changed since the 1960's
(C) establish a direct link between the federal efforts to aid minority businesses made before the 1960's and those
made in the 1980's
(D) analyze the basis for the belief that job-specific experience is more useful to minority businesses than is general
management experience
(E) argue that the "social responsibility approach" to aiding minority businesses is superior to any other approach

RC 15.2

Archaeology as a profession faces two major problems.
First, it is the poorest of the poor. Only paltry
sums are available for excavating and even less is available
for publishing the results and preserving the sites
(5) once excavated. Yet archaeologists deal with priceless
objects every day. Second, there is the problem of illegal
excavation, resulting in museum-quality pieces being
sold to the highest bidder.
I would like to make an outrageous suggestion that
(10) would at one stroke provide funds for archaeology and
reduce the amount of illegal digging. I would propose
that scientific archeological expeditions and governmental
authorities sell excavated artifacts on the open
market. Such sales would provide substantial funds for
(15) the excavation and preservation of archaeological sites
and the publication of results. At the same time, they
would break the illegal excavator's grip on the market,
thereby decreasing the inducement to engage in illegal
activities.
(20) You might object that professionals excavate to
acquire knowledge, not money. Moreover, ancient artifacts
are part of our global cultural heritage, which
should be available for all to appreciate, not sold to the
highest bidder. I agree. Sell nothing that has unique
(25) artistic merit or scientific value. But, you might reply,
everything that comes our of the ground has scientific
value. Here we part company. Theoretically, you may be
correct in claiming that every artifact has potential scientific
value. Practically, you are wrong.
(30) I refer to the thousands of pottery vessels and ancient
lamps that are essentially duplicates of one another. In
one small excavation in Cyprus, archaeologists recently
uncovered 2,000 virtually indistinguishable small jugs in
a single courtyard, Even precious royal seal impressions
(35) known as/melekh handles have been found in abundance---
more than 4,000 examples so far.
The basements of museums are simply not large
enough to store the artifacts that are likely to be discovered
in the future. There is not enough money even to
(40) catalogue the finds; as a result, they cannot be found
again and become as inaccessible as if they had never
been discovered. Indeed, with the help of a computer,
sold artifacts could be more accessible than are the
pieces stored in bulging museum basements. Prior to
(45) sale, each could be photographed and the list of the
purchasers could be maintained on the computer A
purchaser could even be required to agree to return the
piece if it should become needed for scientific purposes.
It would be unrealistic to suggest that illegal digging
(50) would stop if artifacts were sold on the open market.
But the demand for the clandestine product would be
substantially reduced. Who would want an unmarked
pot when another was available whose provenance was
known, and that was dated stratigraphically by the
professional archaeologist who excavated it?


7. The primary purpose of the passage is to propose
(A) an alternative to museum display of artifacts
(B) a way to curb illegal digging while benefiting the archaeological profession
(C) a way to distinguish artifacts with scientific value from those that have no such value
(D) the governmental regulation of archaeological sites
(E) a new system for cataloguing duplicate artifacts


8. The author implies that all of the following statements about duplicate artifacts are true EXCEPT:
(A) A market for such artifacts already exists.
(B) Such artifacts seldom have scientific value.
(C) There is likely to be a continuing supply of such artifacts.
(D) Museums are well supplied with examples of such artifacts.
(E) Such artifacts frequently exceed in quality those already catalogued in museum collections.

9. Which of the following is mentioned in the passage as a disadvantage of storing artifacts in museum basements?
(A) Museum officials rarely allow scholars access to such artifacts.
(B) Space that could be better used for display is taken up for storage.
(C) Artifacts discovered in one excavation often become separated from each other.
(D) Such artifacts are often damaged by variations in temperature and humidity.
(E) Such artifacts' often remain uncatalogued and thus cannot be located once they are put in storage.


10. The author mentions the excavation in Cyprus (lines 31-34) to emphasize which of the following points?
(A) Ancient lamps and pottery vessels are less valuable, although more rare, than royal seal impressions.
(B) Artifacts that are very similar to each other present cataloguing difficulties to archaeologists.
(C) Artifacts that are not uniquely valuable, and therefore could be sold, are available in large quantities.
(D) Cyprus is the most important location for unearthing large quantities of salable artifacts.
(E) Illegal sales of duplicate artifacts are wide-spread, particularly on the island of Cyprus.


11. The author's argument concerning the effect of the official sale of duplicate artifacts on illegal excavation is
based on which of the following assumptions?
(A) Prospective purchasers would prefer to buy authenticated artifacts.
(B) The price of illegally excavated artifacts would rise.
(C) Computers could be used to trace sold artifacts.
(D) Illegal excavators would be forced to sell only duplicate artifacts.
(E) Money gained from selling authenticated artifacts could be used to investigate and prosecute illegal excavators.


12. The author anticipates which of the following initial objections to the adoption of his proposal?
(A) Museum officials will become unwilling to store artifacts.
(B) An oversupply of salable artifacts will result and the demand for them will fall.
(C) Artifacts that would have been displayed in public places will be sold to private collectors.
(D) Illegal excavators will have an even larger supply of artifacts for resale.
(E) Counterfeiting of artifacts will become more commonplace

RC 1

Social learning in animals is said to occur when direct or indirect social interaction facilitates the acquisition of a novel behavior. It usually takes the form of an experienced animal (the demonstrator) performing a behavior such that the native animal (the observer) subsequently expresses the same behavior sooner, or more completely, than it would have otherwise. One example of social learning is the acquisition of preferences for novel foods.

Some experiments have suggested that among mammals, social learning facilitates the identification of beneficial food items, but that among birds, social learning helps animals avoid toxic substances. For example, one study showed that when red-wing blackbirds observed others consuming a colored food or a food in a distinctly marked container and then becoming ill, they subsequently avoided food associated with that color or container. Another experiment showed that house sparrows consumed less red food after they observed others eating red food that was treated so as to be noxious. Studies on non-avian species have not produced similar results, leading researchers to speculate that avian social learning may be fundamentally different from that of mammals.

But Sherwin's recent experiments with domestic hens do not support the notion that avian social learning necessarily facilitates aversion to novel foods that are noxious or toxic. Even when demonstrator hens reacted with obvious disgust to a specific food, via vigorous head shaking and bill wiping, there was no evidence that observers subsequently avoided eating that food. Sherwin's research team speculated that ecological or social constraints during the evolution of this species might have resulted in there being little benefit from the social learning of unpalatability, for instance, selective pressures for this mode of learning would be reduced if the birds rarely encountered noxious or toxic food or rarely interacted after eating such food, or if the consequences of ingestion were minimal. In a related experiment the same researchers showed that if observer hens watched demonstrator hens react favorably to food of a particular color, then observer hens ate more food of that color than they ate of food of other colors. These results confirmed that avian species can develop preferences for palatable food through social learning.



1: The primary purpose of the passage is to discuss the
A: techniques used in certain experiments on social learning in birds
B: reasons for the differences between social learning in birds and in mammals
C: question of how social learning manifests itself in birds
D: basis for a widespread belief about a difference in behavior between birds and mammals
E: possible reasons why birds may or may not learn from each other in a particular way

2: According to the passage, which of the following is true of the experiments on domestic hens conducted by Sherwin's research team?
A: Only a small number of observer hens appeared to learn to avoid food that was demonstrated by other hens to be noxious.
B: Observer hens ingested food preferentially only after numerous instances of witnessing demonstrator hens preferentially ingest that type of food.
C: Observer hens appeared unable to recognize when demonstrator hens found a particular food especially palatable.
D: Observer hens appeared unable to recognize when demonstrator hens found a particular food especially palatable.
E: Demonstrator hens altered their behavior less obviously in response to noxious foods than in response to highly palatable foods.

 

3: It can be inferred that the author of the passage would be most likely to agree with which of the following statements regarding the results of the recent experiments conducted by Sherwin's research team?
A: The experiments demonstrate that social learning in avian species facilitates the identification of noxious or toxic foods.
B: The experiments suggest that social learning has made avian species less adept than nonavian species at learning to prefer beneficial foods and avoid noxious and toxic foods.
C: The experiments undermine the notion that most avian species have evolved in environments where there is little benefit to the social learning of unpalatability.
D: The experiments suggest that the acquisition of food preferences in avian species is largely unaffected by social learning.
E: The experiments show that social learning in avian species can promote the preferential consumption of beneficial foods but do not support the claim that social learning in avian species promotes the avoidance of noxious or toxic foods.