14.03 RCs

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During the 1980s and 1990s, as the United States battled the scourge
of cocaine throughout the hemisphere, Washington did most of the
talking. Latin American governments were forced to listen and fall in
line. The American government had the most money to throw at the
problem, the toughest justice system and the biggest bully pulpit.

In recent years, that top-bottom approach has been upended as
countries in the region have begun to develop new strategies to fight
drug trafficking and discourage the use of narcotics. The initiatives
that are being discussed and applied represent a welcome break with
the largely failed traditional approach, which has emphasized
prohibition and punishment. A special United Nations General Assembly
meeting next April on drug policy has provided an added incentive to
develop fresh approaches to the problem, including sentencing reforms
and legalization.

"There is near unanimity that the focus needs to be on health and
public health," John Walsh, a drug policy expert at the Washington
Office on Latin America said in an interview. "That is very
significant, considering most of the policy remains focused on
enforcement and interdiction."

While a broadly accepted regional approach remains a distant goal in a
politically diverse hemisphere with many strained relationships, the
present conversations offer considerable hope. Washington has started
doing more listening than lecturing, in large part as a result of the
domestic debate about the legalization of marijuana and sentencing
reform for drug crimes.

Colombia, which has been among Washington's most willing and pliant
partners in the fight against drugs, is among those charting their own
course in notable ways. Defying the United States, the Colombian
government recently banned aerial spraying of coca crops, citing
health concerns. Earlier this month, Yesid Reyes, the Colombian
justice minister, delivered a speech at the United Nations outlining
proposals that include decriminalizing consumption and finding
alternatives to incarceration for minor drug offenses.

"We declared a war that has not been won," Mr. Reyes said in the
speech. "For that reason it's imperative to conceive and agree on, at
the international level, policies and approaches that allow us to
respond to this enormous challenge in the most humane, smart and
effective way."

Uruguay and Bolivia have also been leaning forward. Uruguay legalized
recreational use of marijuana in 2013. Bolivia kicked out the United
States Drug Enforcement Administration in 2009 and currently allows
farmers to grow modest crops of coca, which is widely chewed as a
stimulant and used for medicinal purposes there. There are outliers,
though; chiefly Peru, which continues to fight the drug trade with
strict and punitive policies.

The United States has a strained relationship with several governments
that have a major stake in the drug trade, including Bolivia, Ecuador
and Venezuela. In the years ahead, Washington may be able to
strengthen regional cooperation if it places greater emphasis on the
tools and expertise it has to offer, rather than punishing those that
are deemed to be taking insufficient steps to curb the drug trade.

"You have to be able to make the case that having American drug
enforcement agents involved with your local partners is good for the
bottom line of those countries," said Julissa Reynoso, a former senior
State Department official who worked on Latin America policy until
last year. "Most countries have an interest in having less crime, and
I think that's a case that can be made, even to countries that are not
as friendly."



15.The "aerial spraying of coca crops" which the Colombian government
banned would most likely result in
a)
the withering of the coca crop which will result in a reduction in the
export of the crop.
b)
providing excess nutrients to the coca crops which will accelerate its growth.
c)
improve the flavor of the coca crop which will increase its marketability.
d)
making the coca crop unpalatable to the locals such that more is
available for export.

16.The primary reason for the change in the role of Washington in the
fight against drug trade in Latin America is
a)
the strained relationship of the United States with several Latin
American countries involved in drug trade.
b)
the realization that emphasizing prohibition and punishment in the
fight against drug trade is not effective.
c)
the discussion in the United States about legalization of marijuana
and sentencing reforms.
d)
the decline of the authority of the United States in Latin America.


18.According to the passage, which of the following actions will be
most helpful in formulating a "broadly accepted regional approach",
mentioned in the fourth para?
a)
The United States helping the politically divergent Latin American
countries to work towards improving their relations among themselves.
b)
The Latin American governments convening to work together and
formulating a regional approach.
c)
The United States changing its focus from administering punishments to
providing its expertise on fighting drug trade.
d)
The United States refraining from involving itself in the fight
against drug trade in Latin America.




Photography, chiefly facial photography, was first used for eugenic
purposes in 1878 by Francis Galton, five years before he coined the
term 'eugenics' to describe a new science of human breeding intended
to improve the racial pedigree of the British and reverse the effects
of degeneration. To understand Galton's imperative to control human
breeding through eugenics, it is important to consider the social,
economic and political circumstances leading up to this moment. As the
world's first industrialized power and the nation with the largest
colonial empire, Britain, during the first half of the nineteenth
century, was experiencing unprecedented growth, which in turn
generated immense wealth and material affluence. Britain's population
swelled under these prosperous conditions and it continued to increase
until the social and environmental costs of such rapid change began to
tell. Most notably the migration of workers from rural areas and
overseas to urban centres throughout Britain led to problems of
overcrowding, poverty, crime and ill health, particularly among the
lower classes.

In the 1860's, when the liberalist views of John Stuart Mill and
Jeremy Bentham were dominant, many blamed government policies for
these deteriorating conditions. By the 1880s, however, when Darwin's
theory of 'natural selection' and Herbert Spencer's concept of 'the
survival of the fittest' had begun to gain currency, many among the
educated class had become convinced that Britain's urban decay had a
more sinister origin. At this time, some scientists were beginning to
perceive a dark side to Darwin's evolutionary hypothesis, speculating
that the artificial conditions of urbanized society − might in fact
encourage the poorest, not the fittest, hereditary traits to be passed
from one generation to the next. This concept became popularly known
as 'racial degeneration'.

The failure of successive liberal governments to solve the urban
problem merely added fuel to this idea that the rise of crime and ill
health among the lower classes was the result of a decline in the
quality of the nation's bloodstocks. The theory was reinforced by
mounting anxiety about the effects of race mixing on the genetic
vitality of the nation. As a result of the recent waves of immigrants
from Ireland and Europe, Britain's population was becoming
increasingly diverse. At the same time, there was a gathering
scientific impetus to distinguish the various classes and races now
subjugated to the British Empire. The imperialist project had required
ignoring both class and racial differences within Britain and
portraying the inhabitants of Britain's colonies as savage and
technologically backward. Once the subjugation of people of colour was
complete and thoroughly institutionalized, the 'impure' races within
Britain, in particular, the diasporic and Celtic populations
comprising the Jews and the Irish, who had proved most difficult to
assimilate into the predominantly Protestant Anglo-Saxon culture,
became the main focus in discussions of racial contamination.

It was amidst this period of great social and economic flux that
Galton's scientific research and experiments with 'eugenic'
photography were conducted. Driven by a desire to know more about the
workings of heredity and its role in degeneration, he sought a
reliable means of identifying the types of people responsible for both
racial contamination and racial uplift, for which he invented the
technique of 'composite photography'.



19.Which of the following could have been an assumption in the
speculation which became popular as 'racial degeneration'?
a)
The rapid increase in the population of Britain resulted in poor
traits being passed on from one generation to the next.
b)
Criminal behaviour and ill health among people are hereditary and
these hereditary traits are common among the lower classes.
c)
In any population, only the poorest traits will be passed on over
successive generations.
d)
The government cannot be held accountable for the increase in poverty,
crime and ill health among the lower classes.

20.As can be inferred from the passage, the factor that least
contributed to the growth in the popularity of the concept of 'racial
degeneration', was
a)
the failure of the government to combat the rise in crime and ill health.
b)
the rapid increase in the urban population.
c)
the migration of workers from overseas to urban areas.
d)
the unprecedented economic growth, which generated immense wealth and
material affluence.

21.Which of the following statements, if true, would most weaken the
argument for the study of eugenics as intended by Francis Galton?
a)
The increase in ill health and crime among lower classes was because
of the local lower class population intermingling with immigrants in
whom these traits were dominant.
b)
Previous scientific studies concerning the inheritability of traits
related to criminal tendencies and ill health in humans were
inconclusive.
c)
Most of the diseases causing ill health during the time were not
hereditary in nature, while criminal tendencies among lower classes
spread due to the prevalent socio-economic environment.
d)
The incidence of the traits related to criminal tendencies and ill
health differs from race to race.


22.Which of the following statements, if true, will most support the
use of photography by Galton for the study of eugenics?
a)
The people who are more prone to ill health or have criminal
tendencies tend to have distinct facial features.
b)
People belonging to different races have different facial features and
the race of an individual can be identified by his/her facial
features.
c)
The facial features of immigrants are distinct from the facial
features of native Brits.
d)
The presence of traits related to criminal tendency or ill health in
an individual has little correlation to his/her facial features.



RC3

The standard argument for a market-based economy is that it generates
the means of material well-being much more abundantly and reliably
than any alternative economic system. In the broad sweep of history,
the market-based economies of industrial capitalism have experienced a
higher level of material well-being than has been achieved by any
alternative economic system. In the 1980s, this view of the benefits
of a market economy contributed to the collapse of the Soviet bloc,
the consequent wholesale privatization of state-owned assets and the
adoption of market capitalism by countries in Eastern Europe.
Meanwhile, in Western economies, market forces were encouraged to
develop in areas where they had been previously given less scope; a
decline in trade union power was managed as part of a move to more
'flexible' labour markets, and additional market pressures were
introduced in the provision of government services.

Since the 1990s, however, political debate has also centred on the
limits to the market. In Eastern Europe the early optimism about the
benefits of unregulated markets has been tempered by the need to
examine closely the institutional structures which may best generate
growth and prosperity. It has been argued that, despite problems of
recent stagnation, Japan and Germany have demonstrated the benefits of
government intervention in the market, by successfully co-ordinating
relationships between financial institutions and companies; an
argument that Eastern European countries have begun to examine in
relation to their own institutional relationships. In Western
economies, deep unease has been expressed about the inequalities and
the inefficiencies of market-based capitalism, as evidenced in the UK
by the contrast between the huge remuneration packages given to the
'fat cats' running the privatized utilities and the shockingly large
number of children living in poverty.

In economics the dominant framework for exploring the structure of
market economies is provided by the neoclassical school of thought.
Its theories are usually, but not always, used to demonstrate the
benefits of markets. These theories show that under certain
assumptions, markets provide an efficient allocation of scarce
resources in response to the demands of insatiable consumers. Neo
classical theories model the way in which markets work, both
particular markets and the market economy as a whole.

The starting point for neoclassical theory is the assumption that the
individual units, i.e., households and firms, in circumstances not
entirely of their own choosing, independently make rational decisions
in their own self-interest. 'Rational' here means choosing the best
means to pursue whatever goal a decision-maker has in mind. Households
make rational choices of what labour services to sell and which
consumer goods to buy to best satisfy their preferences in pursuit of
utility maximization; whereas firms pursue profit maximization by
choosing what to produce and what inputs to use to do so in the most
cost effective way. The results of these choices independently made by
individual units throughout the economy are then aggregated by the
market to determine what happens in the economy as a whole. Such a
method of inquiry that uses independent individuals as its starting
point, is known as 'methodological individualism'. It is currently the
orthodox approach to microeconomic research and teaching.

However, individuals do not behave as independent entities in the
economy. Individuals make economic decisions in the context of a
variety of institutional structures. The behaviour of other consumers
and the marketing strategies of firms influence the consumption
decisions of households. As employees, the decisions that individuals
make about how much time and energy to invest in education and
training are influenced by the traditions and habits of the families
and communities in which they live. And individual firms are
influenced by the behaviour of other firms both in the working
practices they adopt and in their production decisions. Neoclassical
economics models only one sort of influence that goes through the
market by demand and supply affecting the prices at which individuals
can trade. However, there is a wealth of evidence to suggest that many
other types of interactions between individuals are prevalent in a
market economy. A neoclassical economist does not necessarily deny
that this is the case, but considers that methodologically it is
preferable to build up a picture of the economy by starting with the
behaviour of individuals.



23.According to neoclassical theory, the efficiency of the markets in
allocating scarce resources is best prompted when individuals in an
economy
a)
avail a service primarily because other individuals are making use of
the service.
b)
purchase the product that best suits their needs.
c)
purchase a product after being influenced by its advertisement.
d)
let their culture influence their decisions to buy and sell.



24.
a)
Aggregating various influences that affect an individual or a firm.
b)
Reflecting the network of relations between individuals and firms.
c)
Cumulating individual preferences to influence the overall outcomes of
the economy.
d)
Unconditionally allocating scarce resources among consumers depending
on the demand.


25.Which of the following statements best describes the change in
attitude towards market-based capitalism in the Western economies
since the 1980s?
a)
While western economies allowed market-based capitalism to flourish in
the 1980s, they have come to realise its shortcomings only since the
1990s.
b)
Western economies increased the scope of the influence of markets
since the1990s, as compared to 1980s, because they realised the
various benefits of a market-based capitalism.
c)
During the 1980s, western economies considered market-based capitalism
to be the most reliable among all other economic systems, but since
the 1990s they realised that it was not the most reliable.
d)
Market-based capitalism was allowed a free hand without any external
interference in the 1980s but in the 1990s, the benefits of government
intervention was also realized.



26.Which of the following will a neoclassical economist most likely overlook?
a)
The approaches adopted by firms as they attempt to maximize their profits.
b)
The price at which individuals would choose to buy a product.
c)
The influence of the institutional structures in the economy on the market.
d)
The influence of the demand for a product on its price.


RC4

Physics is the model of what a successful science should be. It
provides the basis for the other physical sciences and biology because
everything in our world, including ourselves, is made of the same
fundamental particles, whose interactions are governed by the same
fundamental forces.

It's no surprise then, as Princeton University's Philip Anderson has
noted, that physics represents the ultimate reductionist subject:
Physicists reduce matter first to molecules, then to atoms, then to
nuclei and electrons, and so on, the goal being always to reduce
complexity to simplicity. The extraordinary success of that approach
is based on the concept of an isolated system. Experiments carried out
on systems isolated from external interference are designed to
identify the essential causal elements underlying physical reality.

The problem is that no real physical or biological system is truly
isolated, physically or historically. Consequently, reductionism tends
to ignore the kinds of interactions that can trigger the emergence of
order, patterns, or properties that do not pre-exist in the underlying
physical substratum. Biological complexity and consciousness − as
products of evolutionary adaptation − are just two examples. Physics
might provide the necessary conditions for such phenomena to exist,
but not the sufficient conditions for specifying the behaviours that
emerge at those higher levels of complexity. Indeed, the laws of
behaviour in complex systems emerge from, but are to a large degree
independent of, the underlying low-level physics. That independence
explains why biologists don't need to study quantum field theory or
the standard model of particle physics to do their jobs.

Moreover, causes at those higher levels in the hierarchy of complexity
have real effects at lower levels, not just the reverse as often
thought. Consequently, physics cannot predict much of what we see in
the world around us. If it could predict all, then free will would be
illusory, the inevitable outcome of the underlying physics.

True complexity, with the emergence of higher levels of order and
meaning, including life, occurs in modular, hierarchical structures.
Consider the precise ordering in large intricate networks −
micro-connections in an integrated chip or human brain, for example.
Such systems are complex not merely because they are complicated;
order here implies organization, in contrast to randomness or
disorder. They are hierarchical in that layers of order and complexity
build upon each other, with physics underlying chemistry, chemistry
underlying biology, and so forth. Each level can be described in terms
of concepts relevant to its own particular structure − particle
physics deals with behaviours of quarks and gluons, chemistry with
atoms and molecules − so a different descriptive language applies at
each level. Thus we can talk of different levels of meaning embodied
in the same complex structure.

The phenomenon of emergent order refers to this kind of organization,
with the higher levels displaying new properties not evident at the
lower levels. Unique properties of organized matter arise from how the
parts are arranged and interact, properties that cannot be fully
explained by breaking that order down into its component parts. You
can't even describe the higher levels in terms of lower-level
language.

Theories such as the gas laws or Ohm's law provide a phenomenological
understanding of the behaviour of atoms or charges. In particular,
they are examples of laws that emerge from the particles' joint, as
compared to individual, behaviour. The higher, many-body levels are
more complex and less predictable than the lower levels; we have
reliable phenomenological laws describing behaviour at the levels of
physics and chemistry, for instance, but not at the levels of
psychology and sociology.



27.According to the passage, which of the following statements is true
about free will?
a)
Free will ceases to exist if physics can discover the laws governing
behaviour at lower levels of complexity.
b)
Free will becomes an illusion if physics is able to predict the
effects at lower levels due to the causes at higher levels.
c)
Free will becomes an illusion if physics is able to predict the
effects at higher levels due to the causes at lower levels.
d)
None of the above

28.When the author says that "a different descriptive language applies
at each level", the author is trying to highlight that
a)
different subjects are useful for studying different complexity levels
in a system and studying higher level effects does not necessarily
require the understanding of lower level causes.
b)
any complex system can be broken down into simple building blocks that
are arranged in a hierarchical order.
c)
analysing complex systems requires an expertise in various subjects
without which the causes and effects at higher levels cannot be
understood.
d)
the primacy of physics compared to chemistry and biology.

29.
a)
Reductionist approach in physics does not take into account the
interactions at a higher levels of complexity.
b)
Higher levels of complexity give rise to new properties not present at
the lower levels.
c)
The interplay of causes and effects at higher and lower levels cannot
be studied by physics which predominantly concentrates on the study of
lower level phenomenological laws.
d)
The laws governing the complex systems emerge from the laws governing
its component parts.

30.The limitation that "reductionism tends to ignore … underlying
physical substratum", mentioned at the beginning of the third
paragraph, primarily stems from
a)
reducing the complexity of a system in an attempt to simplify it.
b)
ignoring the complex interactions at higher levels of complexity.
c)
studying systems in an isolated environment.
d)
ignoring the relation between physics and other sciences like biology
and chemistry.