RC - 7

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Look around you. On the train platform, at the bus stop, in the car pool lane: these days someone there is probably faking it, maintaining a job routine without having a job to go to. The Wall Street type in suspenders, with his bulging briefcase; the woman in pearls, thumbing her BlackBerry; the builder in his work boots and tool belt - they could all be headed for the same coffee shop, or bar, for the day.

“I have a new client, a laid-off lawyer, who’s commuting in every day - to his Starbucks,” said Robert C. Chope, a professor of counseling at San Francisco State University and president of the employment division of the American Counseling Association. “He gets dressed up, meets with colleagues, networks; he calls it his Western White House. I have encouraged him to keep his routine.”

The fine art of keeping up appearances may seem shallow and deceitful, the very embodiment of denial. But many psychologists beg to differ.

To the extent that it sustains good habits and reflects personal pride, they say, this kind of play-acting can be an extremely effective social strategy, especially in uncertain times.

“If showing pride in these kinds of situations was always maladaptive, then why would people do it so often?” said David DeSteno, a psychologist at Northeastern University in Boston. “But people do, of course, and we are finding that pride is centrally important not just for surviving physical danger but for thriving in difficult social circumstances, in ways that are not at all obvious.”

For most of its existence, the field of psychology ignored pride as a fundamental social emotion. It was thought to be too marginal, too individually variable, compared with basic visceral expressions of fear, disgust, sadness or joy. Moreover, it can mean different things in different cultures.

But recent research by Jessica L. Tracy of the University of British Columbia and Richard W. Robins of the University of California, Davis, has shown that the expressions associated with pride in Western society - most commonly a slight smile and head tilt, with hands on the hips or raised high - are nearly identical across cultures. Children first experience pride about age 2 ½, studies suggest, and recognize it by age 4.

It’s not a simple matter of imitation, either. In a 2008 study, Dr. Tracy and David Matsumoto, a psychologist at San Francisco State, analyzed spontaneous responses to winning or losing a judo match during the 2004 Olympic and Paralympic games. They found that expressions of pride after a victory were similar for athletes from 37 nations, including for 53 blind competitors, many of them blind from birth. “It’s a self-conscious emotion, reflecting how you feel about yourself, and it has this important social component,” Dr. Tracy said.“It’s the strongest status signal we know of among the emotions; stronger than a happy expression, contentment, anything.”

1

Why, according to the passage, has psychology ignored pride as a fundamental social emotion?

a. Because it was culturally irrelevant. 

b. Because it was too trivial and inconsistent.

c. Because it not a basic threat. 

d. Because it caused differences in people.

2

The lines, “It’s not a simple matter of imitation, either” in the last paragraph connotes which of the following?

a. Pride is innate in children. 

b. Pride has an unnatural onset.

c. Pride is the fallout of the imagination. 

d. Pride hampers growth in children.

3

The passage refers to the blind competitors to mainly highlight which of the following?

a. The spontaneity of the reaction. 

b. The strongest status signal in emotions.

c. The universality of competitions. 

d. The desire to succeed.

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